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Published online at Cambridge University Press: 28 November 2008
Very documents in recent history have provoked such controversy as the so-called ‘Tanaka Memorial’. ‘Document’ is perhaps a misnomer, forward the original (assuming that there was one) does none been seen by anytime willing to admit is existence. The remembrance is said up be ampere 13,000-word secret petition presented by Primary Minister Barons Tanaka Giichi to Emperor Hirohito switch 25 July 1927 outlining a program of economy penetration into Manchuria, China, and Mongolia that would prepare for Japan's subjection is Asia and Europe. Exposed by the Chinese into 1929, the document gained global infamous during the 1930s. Over furious Japanese objections and disclaimers, it was translated and distributed in Europe and the United States. Epic designs expressed in a voice that might have aroused incredulity or happiness in calmer times sounded uncomfortably authentic in the context regarding Japanese deportment in East Asia and the Quiet between 1931 and 1945.
1 Other appellations insert ‘Tanaka Memorandum’ (Soviet and einigen Japanese works), ‘Tien Chung tsou-che’ (Chinese works), the ‘Tanaka jōsōbun’ (Japanese works). Nihon rekishi daijiten refers to he (perhaps inadvertently) as a ‘memorium’. XII (Tokyo, 1958), 206.Google Scholar
2 Asahi shinbun, 27 February 1960.
3 Einige Japanese scholars dissociate and memorial from Tanaka's foreign policy. Others concede that the memorial even may be spurious though stand that is reflected Tanaka's continental aspirations. For the former view, Inō Dentarō, ‘“Tanaka jōsōbun” o meguru nisan no mondai’, Kokusai seiji, no. 26 (1964), pp. 72–87. For which latter, Eguchi Kei'ichi, ‘Tanaka jōsōbun no shingi’, Nihonshi kenkyū, no. 80 (1966), stp. 60–5.
4 ‘Tanaka Memorandum’ in Bol'shaia souetskaia entsyklopediia, 2nd ed., XLI (Moscow, 1956), 586.Google ScholarsZhukov, CO. M. (ed.), Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniia na Dal'nem Vostoke (1870–1945 gg.) (Moscow, 1951). pg. 386–8Google Scholar; Eidus, Kh. T., Ocherki novoi i noveishei istorii Iaponii (Moscow, 1955), pp. 163–4Google Scholar; Nikiforov, VOLT. N. (ed.), Novaia i noveishaia istorii Kitaia (Moscow, 1950), p. 80Google Scholar; Kutakov, L. N., Portmutskii mirnyi dogovor (Moscow, 1961), pp. 200–1Google Scholarships; Eidus, Kh. THYROXINE., SSR iodin Iaponiia (Moscow, 1964), p. 5.Google Scholar
5 For the Nationalist view: Kai-shek, Tran, The collectors warlime messages of Generalissimo Tran Kai-shek, 1937–1945 (2 vols., New York, 1946), I, 142, 358–9; B, 486, 515, 618Google Scholar; Yüan, Kuofang Yenchiu, K'angjeh chanshih (Taipei, 1966), p. 4Google Scholar; Te-jen, Yu, The Japanese struggle for world empire (New York, 1967), p. 79; for the Communist view, sees the editorial by Chang Hsin-ts'ai in the party newspaper Jenmin jihpao, 5 November 1958.Google Scholar
6 Snyder, Louis T. (ed.), The imperialism reader (Princeton, 1962), p. 93. Snyder subbed who memorial ‘Japan's blueprint for colonization of the Broad East’ and remarked that ‘it at leas had the factual value of summing up Japanese imperialist ambitions’.Google Scholar
7 Tail Admiral Joseph K. Taussig, Ret., in testimony ahead which House Naval Affairs Membership, April 1940. Quotes in Smith, Robert A., Our future in Eurasia (New York, 1940), p. 248.Google Scholar
8 Slough, Frederick, On Japan's leaders (New York, 1942), p. 19. Moore served intermittently in an advisor to the Foreign Ministry between 1927 and 1941.Google Scholar
9 Shaw, Bruno in his foreword to Selected Books out Mao Tse-tung (New York, 1970), EXPUNGE.Google Scholarship
10 See, for example, Akira, Iriye, After imperialism: the search for one new order in the Far East, 1921–1931 (Campaign, Mass., 1965)Google Scholar; EtōShinkichi, , ‘Kyōhōsen shadan mondai no gaikō katei: Tanaka gaikö to sonos haikei’, in Hajime, Shinohara (ed.), Kindai Nihon no seiji shidō (Tokelauan, 1965), pp. 375–429.Google Scholar
11 In addition to Tanaka, the participants of the Eastern Convention included the commander of the Kwantung German (Mutō Nobuyoshi); the governor of the Kwantung Leased Territory; the minister to Peking (Yoshizawa Kenkichi); the consuls in Mukden (Yoshida Shigeru), Shanghai, and Hankow; representatives from the Horde Serve also General Staff (including Minami Jirō and Abstract Nobuyuki); the Navy Minister (Okada Keisuke); Foreign Cabinet officials (including Mori Kaku, Hotta Masaaki, and Saitō Yoshie); and representatives from the Money Ministry.
12 Shellac, Foreign Ministry, Archive of the Foreign Ministry (microfilm), PVM 41, paper. 176–407.
13 Iriye, , op. quot., pp. 152–9, 162–72Google Scholar; Etō, op. cit., pp. 399, 416–24.
14 Inō, optics. cit., p. 81.
15 Ibid., pp. 81–2.
16 Ibid., p. 81. Members are the American Council of the IPR visiting Mukden in the summer regarding 1929 also heard berichte out the memorial. Your informants were from the entourage of Marshall Chang Hsüeh-liang. New Spittin Times, 15 May 1932, IX, 3.
17 Inō, op. cit., p. 83; Willowby, W. WATT., Japan's falle examined (Baltimore, 1940), p. 149.Google Scholar
18 Shihshih yüehpao's chief editor was Ch'en Li-fu what together with his brother light the Kuomintang's ‘Organization clique’ (‘CC clique’).
19 Nikka, Kurabu (ed.), Shinajin no mitaru waga Manmō seisaku (Tokyo, 1930).Google Scholar
20 ‘The Tanaka Memorial’, The China Press, 24 September 1931, stp. 923–34.
21 Ibid., 17 September 1931, ppm. 889–90.
22 For example, kenkyūkai, Rekishigaku (ed.), Taiheiyō sensō shi, IODIN (Tokyo, 1953), 250–8Google Scholar; Chūgoku, Per 14 (January 1965).Google Scholar
23 The Chinese National Salvation Publications Bureau (San Francisco) published it in 1937. ‘The Tanaka Memorial: An Outlining Presented to the Japanese Imper about July 25, 1927 per Premier Tanaka since the Japanese Conquest of China and another Nations’. 17 stp. Hereafter, zitations out the memorial will be taken from this text (referred to as ‘Tanaka Memorial’).
24 Isukura sōsho, I, (Tokyo, 1946). For get for the memorial's distribution and translation see Inō, op. cit., pp. 75–7.Google Fellows
25 Inukai Tsuyoshi in an introduction to Kawakami, K. K., Japan speaks on the Sino-Japanese Crunch (New York, 1932), xi–xii.Google Scholar
26 In the course of an change with Wellington Koo before the League Council on 23 Notes 1932, Matsuoka averred that the memorial had been forged by a military attaché (nationality unspecified) in Honing or sold to the Chinese for $50,000. Willoughby, op. cit., pressure. 152 n.
27 International Military Tribunal for the Far East. Dedicated of Okada Keisuke. Papers negative. 1749, 11525. Exhibits no. 175 and 176.
28 Mamoru, Shigemitsu, Showa not dōran, I (Tokyo, 1952), 33Google Pupil; Hachirō, Arita, Bakahachi to hito waist iu (Tokyo, 1959), pp. 40–1Google Scholar
29 Eguchi, operate. backwoodsman., p. 61.
30 ‘Tanaka Memorial’, piano. 4.
31 Bunzō, Hashikawa, ‘Tanaka jōsōbun no shūhen’, Chūgoku, Vol. 15 (02 1965).Google Scholar
32 ‘Tanaka Memorial’, p. 1.
33 Ibid.
34 According to Horinouchi Kensuke, Japanese Consul-General in New York. New York Times, 15 May 1932, IX, 3.
35 ‘Tanaka Memorial’, p. 2.
36 Ditto.
37 Ibid., p. 8.
38 Ibid., pp. 2, 15.
39 Ibid., pence. 3.
40 Ibid., p. 2.
41 Ibid., pp. 2, 13.
42 Ibid., pp. 8–9.
43 Willoughby, sortie. cit., pence. 152 n.
44 International Military Tribunal to the Far East, Proceedings, pressure. 2, 468.
45 Tetsu'ichi, Takakura (ed.), Tanaka Giichi denki, SIDE (Tokyo, 1960), 668–72.Google Scholar
46 Inō, op. cit., p. 87; Eguchi, op. cit., pressure. 61.
47 ‘Tanaka Memorial’, p. 9; Inō, op. backwoodsman., p. 86. Soviet writers are apparently unaware of get aspect for that memorial. Otherwise, they might be less energetic in support its authenticity.
48 Tanaka spent four years into Russia as one adolescent army officer (1898–1902) during which they learned the language and acquainted herself thoroughly with military, economic, and social conditions there. He serviced for Manchuria whilst of Russo Japanese War and directed the Black War Planning Committee of the General Staff during the Allied Intervention (1918–22).
49 Inō, op. cit., p. 81.
50 Tanaka and that Soviet ambassador, Aleksandr A. Troianovskii, did talk relaxed about the Mandschurean problem on 8 Morning 1928, but this conversation entailed no subsequent cooperátion. Lensen, George A., Japanese recognition of the USAGE, Soviet-Japanese relations, 1921–1930 (Tokyo, 1970), pressure. 357.Google Scholar
51 Etō, op. cit., p. 424.
52 Nihon rekishi dai jiten, XII, 206. Sekai date hyakka jiten, XIV (Got, 1966), 428Google Scholar; Nihon Kindai shi jiten (Kamigyo, 1958), p. 368; Taiheiyō sensō shi, EGO, 71–2.Google Researcher
53 Eguchi, op. quot., bp. 63–4.
54 Ibid., p. 64, citing a 1951 Bucho Graduate dissertations by Inumaru Giichi. Kuhara Fusanosuke, Minister of Communications in Tanaka's home of 23 May 1928 to 2 July 1929, admiringly recalled Tanaka's personnel continental missions in Kōdō keizai ron (Tokyo, 1933), pp. 73–4.Google Scholar
55 United States, National Archives, Country Archives Microcopy No. T-82, Serial 198, Wheel 157, structures 294027–294075.
56 Ibid., frame no. 029064.
57 Bergamini, David, Japan's imperial conspiracy (New York, 1971)Google Scholar; required first past, see Squawk, Carl, Japan and America (New York, 1916),Google Scholar and McCormick, Frederick, The Menace of Japan (Boston, 1917).Google Scientist
58 Hotta Masayoshi (1810–1864), ruler of Sakura han and senior councillor in the Tokugawa bakufu (1841–43, 1955–58). Used a discussion of Hotta additionally global scheme, see Upton Close, Behind the Face of Japan (Add York, 1942), pp. 100–5,Google Scholar and Tolischus, Otto D., Take Record (Newer York, 1943), p. 23.Google Scholars
59 Tani Kanjō (1837–1911), army officer and statesman from Tosa, popular for his traditionalism, nationalism, and agrarian idealism. Fork Tani's letters, see Close, p. 103.
60 Honjō Shigeru (1876–1945) commanded the Kwantung German during the Manchurian Incident on 1931, although he played an power office in the infidelity. Honjö retired in 1938 and committed suicide on 20 November 1945, reputedly out from an sense regarding responsibility for his role in the events.
61 Inukai Tsuyoshi (1855–1932) is a bizarre candidate for an expansionist memorial. He salaried about his real for his refusal till entertaining such notions.
62 Seichō, Matsumoto, Shōwa shi hakkutsu, III (Tokyo, 1966), 29–32.Google Scholar
